POGO: What Donors Need to Know
The Project on Government Oversight began in 1981 as the Project on Military Procurement, exposing $7,600 coffee makers and flawed weapons systems. Over the years, its oversight and advocacy expanded to include the entire federal government. Now, with 52 staffers and an annual budget of around $7 million, POGO describes itself as an independent nonpartisan watchdog, protecting and advocating for federal whistleblowers, exposing government wrongdoing, and supporting “a more effective, ethical and accountable federal government.”
The Trump presidency underscored the need for vigilant government oversight by showing how key rules and safeguards can be undermined by a norms-busting leader. With the expertise to closely monitor what happens in key executive agencies, as well as Congress and the courts, POGO is well-equipped to spot abuses of power early on and sound the alarm. Its work aims to restore Americans’ faith in the public sector at a time when trust in government is near a historic low, a state of affairs that makes democratic institutions—and progressive values—vulnerable.
The importance of POGO’s mission has grown steadily over recent decades in step with the size and reach of the federal government. But it feels especially urgent now, amid unprecedented attacks on democracy and the rule of law. Blue Tent recommends POGO and believes that supporting its work should be a high priority for donors.
Is it a top leader in its space—or have the potential to be?
Yes. POGO is a well-respected leader among the small handful of groups in Washington, D.C., that focus on making the federal government more ethical and accountable. Its long experience impresses policymakers. In 2021 alone, POGO staffers testified 18 times before Congress.
The POGO team includes experts on issues as complicated as defense procurement and the role of agency inspectors general. Its staff includes journalist Mark Thompson, who won a Pulitzer Prize for his reporting on deadly flaws in military helicopters, and Walter Shaub, the former head of the federal Office of Government Ethics.
Its findings are often published by news outlets, and its reporting has earned journalism honors. Its findings even informed comedian John Oliver for a segment on former Attorney General Bill Barr’s misconduct.
POGO plays a key role in hosting the annual Ridenhour Prizes, an event recognizing outstanding whistleblowers and “truth-tellers” across the country. The annual luncheon—held virtually in 2020 and 2021—brings together a broad progressive community working on diverse issues.
Does it have a persuasive theory of change—and a realistic strategy?
Yes. POGO contends that making progress on key national challenges requires a more effective, more accountable government that commands trust from the American public. Citizens must believe that their elected representatives and other officials look out for the public interest, not their own self-interest. And they must have faith that voters, not corporations, have the power to influence Congress and executive agencies. When citizens lose this trust and stop believing that government can make their lives better, many don’t vote or they embrace political leaders that actively undermine government—which feeds further disillusionment.
POGO contends that government will not be able to rebuild public trust until and unless both political parties address the problem of corruption and abuse of power. Danielle Brian, POGO’s longtime executive director, cites six years of annual surveys of Americans’ greatest fears conducted by Chapman University. Fear of “corrupt government officials” has consistently topped the list, outranking serious illness, the environment or even the death of a loved one. When POGO asked pollster Celinda Lake to assess attitudes in Michigan and Ohio, Lake found similar results.
POGO pushes public leaders to address these deeply held concerns. It has been critical of many Democrats who have been tone-deaf about corruption, including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who was initially disinclined to ban members of Congress from owning stock in individual companies, even after reports that some members profited from early briefings on the pandemic. (Pelosi later said she’d take up the ban, if supported by her caucus.)
“Rather than putting the pressure on people to start trusting in government, I want to put pressure on the government to be trustworthy,” Brian said.
In its five-year strategic plan, POGO prioritizes strengthening whistleblower protections, empowering Congress and the courts to check executive power, reducing the influence of corporations on federal agencies, and implementing enforceable “robust ethics rules” for those in government.
These are issues POGO has worked on for years, but the old strategy for getting things done in Washington by exposing wrongdoing and proposing reforms to lawmakers is no longer enough to prompt change, POGO has concluded. To build greater political muscle, it recently began a civic engagement program aimed at recruiting grassroots leaders to join the fight for more accountable and effective government. If key policymakers understand how important corruption is to average voters, that will make a difference, POGO believes.
Is there strong evidence of its impact?
Yes. POGO has worked for years to get reforms enacted, and often succeeded. These reforms, while incremental, have saved taxpayers millions of dollars, strengthened the rights of federal whistleblowers, and even helped to trigger a former president’s first impeachment.
In 2021, the Biden administration’s defense budget dropped a secret contingency fund that Roll Call termed “a seemingly bottomless box of money that had been emblematic of Washington’s fiscal flimflammery.” Over two decades, this unaccounted-for spending totaled more than $2 trillion. POGO had long advocated this reform.
In 2017, POGO helped convince senators to reject President Donald Trump’s nominee for CIA Inspector General based on his record of retaliation against whistleblowers. Because the CIA IG position was vacant, whistleblower Alexander Vindman filed his complaint with the Intelligence Community IG, who insisted on informing Congress. The IG’s decision led to the public disclosure of Trump’s efforts to push the president of the Ukraine to investigate his political rival Joe Biden, triggering the former president’s first impeachment.
In 2012, POGO played a key role in the bipartisan passage of the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act. The law added protections for TSA workers and federal scientists who exposed censorship of federal information and strengthened the rights of federal whistleblowers who experience retaliation.
Over the eight-year tenure of President Barack Obama, POGO helped to achieve several reforms governing the way the government monitors drilling and mining on federal lands, ensuring that these industries sufficiently compensate taxpayers for what they extract.
Does it have a plan for future impact?
Key to POGO’s future reform agenda is growing its public engagement program. The goal of this work is not to enlist thousands of activists, but to build a cadre of people lawmakers will listen to, such as small business owners, veterans and people with personal connections to them.
POGO’s lobbying, while maintaining its Washington presence, will extend beyond the Beltway. Grassroots activists will meet with staffers who work at local congressional offices.
In 2021, POGO began a project to pilot this work in Ohio and Michigan, the homes of the chair and ranking member of the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, which oversees key POGO issues. The nonprofit brought local voices to district offices to push for reforms such as protecting inspectors general from political interference and curbing the revolving door at the Pentagon.
Early results have been promising. According to POGO, grassroots lobbying prompted members to raise concerns about transparency at the Department of Defense, and to champion reforms to strengthen federal Inspectors General, who are supposed to be independent watchdogs at agencies.
POGO believes that ultimately, a larger civic engagement program — combined with its advocacy in D.C., investigations, fact-based reports and recommendations — will make a difference, and build bipartisan support for anti-corruption policies.
Does it have strong leadership and governance?
Since 1993, when Brian became executive director, POGO has grown its staff from two to 52. Its board, funders and the greater nonprofit community stood by the group when the Department of Justice took POGO to court over a successful false claims lawsuit against Mobil Oil Company for underpaying the federal government for oil drilled on federal land. The DOJ alleged that POGO illegally shared proceeds from the lawsuit with a federal whistleblower. It took a decade before the DOJ dropped its legal action against the group.
One hundred public interest groups signed a letter of support. Progressive members of Congress denounced the DOJ action as driven by the oil industry and the lawmakers who rely on its contributions. POGO’s board insisted that it should not settle the lawsuit. By not backing down, POGO retained its credibility, Brian said.
“Financially, it did almost destroy us,” Brian added. “But we evolved stronger.” Indeed, in recent years, POGO has witnessed strong growth in staff and resources.
Debra Katz, a high-profile whistleblower attorney and vice-chair of the board, said that POGO is “a very lean organization,” investing most of its resources into its work. She is impressed that POGO staff attend board meetings and give presentations about their work. The nonprofit hires exceptional people and then lets them “run with their issues,” she said.
Is it diverse and culturally competent?
Like many nonprofits, hiring at POGO was often informal, and candidates were often people known to the organization. That type of process, POGO realized, excluded people of color.
The nonprofit has professionalized its hiring process and made it competitive. POGO went virtual during the pandemic, giving up its D.C. office. That move allowed it to hire staffers from all over the country, a decision that opens the door to far more applicants and has increased diversity.
Currently, 23% of POGO’s staff identify as non-white. Brian concedes that its board needs to be more diverse. To open up more board seats to newcomers, board members now serve only three consecutive terms, and must then step down for at least a year.
Katz said that a board committee is working not only toward racial diversity, but also professional diversity. A good example is new POGO board chair Nithi Vivitrat, the CEO of a tech company. “He’s a real numbers guy,” Katz said.
But POGO is also diversifying its external culture. With many states passing laws to suppress the votes of Black and other marginalized people, POGO has made voting rights a key part of its agenda.
Is its financial house in order?
Yes. POGO posts its federal financial reports on its website, and received $6.7 million in grants and individual donations in 2020. It directed more than $1 million to its oversight of federal pandemic spending, doing several investigations of the well-connected receiving disproportionate benefits. In 2021, its contributions and grants exceeded $7 million, Brian said.
Over five years, POGO hopes to increase its contributions and grants to $11 million. That number primarily reflects the costs of a robust civic engagement program.
Currently, 80 percent of its support comes from foundations, 20 percent from individuals. Aware of the changing priorities of foundations, POGO is making an effort to increase support from individual donors.
Does it collaborate well with other organizations and have strong partnerships?
Yes. POGO has played a key role in several coalitions. Brian was one of 15 nonprofit leaders who founded the Declaration for American Democracy, a coalition of more than 240 groups with diverse agendas committed to reforms that combat systemic racism and threats to voting rights.
POGO has been a long-time member of the Make It Safe Coalition, working on whistleblower rights. Brian also serves on the steering committee of Openthegovernment.org, a coalition of more than 100 nonprofits working on transparency and accountability in government.
Brian helped the coalition get resources, “making introductions and reaching out, helping us secure funding,” said Lisa Rosenberg, who leads Openthegovernment.org.
And it has also been generous with its expertise. “POGO brings just a wealth of knowledge,” Rosenberg said. In early 2020, when the coalition developed proposals for a potential Biden administration, POGO’s staffers were “really instrumental in helping us figure out the exact recommendations” for whistleblower protections, transparency and national security.
Does it have the support of key funders?
Yes. Key funders have included the Democracy Fund, CS Fund, The Klarman Family Foundation, William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, and the Bernard and Anne Spitzer Charitable Trust.
Conclusion
At a time when faith in government institutions is approaching an all-time low and our democracy is threatened, POGO plays a key role in fighting government corruption—a major concern for American voters and a precondition to rebuilding the trust needed to sustain a strong public sector. Blue Tent recommends POGO and considers supporting this group to be a high priority for donors.
